List of top prison construction company

Florida terminated a contract with Aramark in after repeated violations. In addition, Aramark employees have been involved in a number of activities deemed inappropriate.

Navigation menu

An Aramark employee in Indiana was charged with a felony for delivering marijuana and a cellphone to prisoners. In Michigan in , four Aramark employees were suspended for allegedly having illicit sexual contact with male prisoners in a walk-in kitchen cooler, and dozens of other former Aramark staff have been permanently banned from Michigan state prisons. While they may be winning prizes on college campuses, Aramark clearly has lower standards when it comes to serving people behind bars. Securus Technologies specializes in telecommunications in prisons and jails.

It currently is the second largest provider of carceral phone services.

The company was acquired by Castle Harlan, Inc. Securus currently operates in some 2, correctional facilities in North America. For years, companies like Securus have been winning phone contracts by overcharging customers, then paying kickbacks to state departments of corrections and local sheriffs. Members have been pressuring federal authorities to cap the charges on prison phone calls and to eliminate the kickbacks. The Federal Communications Commission is presently considering action to curb the profits earned by Securus and others involved in carceral telecommunications services.

In recent years, Securus has been branching out into other revenue pools in the prison-industrial-complex. One new area of operations has been video visiting. Typical video visitation contracts charge loved ones a dollar a minute to have what is essentially a Skype session with a person inside a jail. Moreover, many Securus video contracts mandate that the jails ban face-to-face visits to generate more money for the video system. However, its plans to impose a system to eliminate face-to-face visits in Dallas County, Texas, earlier this year were blocked through a national mobilization lead by the Campaign for Prison Phone Justice.

More recently, Securus bought up controlling interest in STOP, a major provider of electronic monitoring services in the United States, another future income stream. While a host of suppliers have found prisons and jails to be a unique niche, perhaps none has adapted to the new marketplace as masterfully as Bob Barker Industries.

Founded in the s and now based in Fuquay-Varina, North Carolina, Bob Barker no connection to the former TV game show host produces a wide range of goods for prisoners and prison staff. Brendan Kateon of RCT Alabama LLC, the company seeking to finance development of the project though the bond issue, told the commission that he expects the project to employ 55 to 60 people.

When built, the plant will reduce tires to raw materials such as steel and crumb rubber.

Behind Bars 2: South Cotabato Jail, Philippines - The World’s Toughest Prisons - Prison Documentary

Sign in. Log into your account. Password recovery. Business Alabama Magazine. The state comptroller, Edward V. Regan, a Republican, said that Cuomo was defying the wishes of the electorate, which had voted not to spend money on prisons, and that his financing scheme was costly and improper.

Jail & Prison Construction

Bonds issued by the Urban Development Corporation carried a higher rate of interest than the state's general-issue bonds. Legally the state's new prisons were owned by the Urban Development Corporation and leased to the Department of Corrections. In order to buy the prison, the corporation had to issue more bonds. The New York prison boom was a source of embarrassment for Mario Cuomo. At times he publicly called it "stupid," an immoral waste of scarce state monies, an obligation forced on him by the dictates of the law. But it was also a source of political capital.

Cuomo strongly opposed the death penalty, and building new prisons shielded him from Republican charges of being soft on crime.


  • Following the Money of Mass Incarceration | Prison Policy Initiative;
  • sex offender database for elgin texas;
  • berks county pa vinyl record buyers.
  • state of florida marriage record application.
  • About American Heritage.
  • Contribution Trends, 1990-2020?
  • Prison–industrial complex!

In his State of the State address, having just been re-elected by a landslide, Cuomo boasted of having put nearly 10, "dangerous felons" behind bars. The inmate population of New York's prisons had indeed grown by roughly that number during his first term in office. But the proportion of offenders being incarcerated for violent crimes had fallen from 63 percent to 52 percent during those four years. In New York State sent almost a thousand fewer violent offenders to prison than it had in Despite having the "toughest anti-drug program" and one of the fastest-growing inmate populations in the nation, New York was hit hard by the crack epidemic of the s and the violent crime that accompanied it.

From to the state's inmate population almost doubled—and yet during that same period the violent-crime rate rose 24 percent.


  • search nature of teaching and learning.
  • Making Profits on the Captive Prison Market.
  • 1968 mercury cougar vin location.
  • tracking ip address through aim;
  • florida dissolution of marriage laws forms.

Between the passage of the Rockefeller drug laws and the time Cuomo left office, in January of , New York's inmate population increased almost fivefold. And the state's prison system was more overcrowded than it had been when the prison boom began. By using an unorthodox means of financing prison construction, Mario Cuomo turned the Urban Development Corporation into a rural development corporation that invested billions of dollars in upstate New York. Although roughly 80 percent of the state's inmates came from New York City and its suburbs, high real-estate prices and opposition from community groups made it difficult to build correctional facilities there.

Cuomo needed somewhere to put his new prisons; he formed a close working relationship with the state senator Ronald B. Stafford, a conservative Republican whose rural, Adirondack district included six counties extending from Lake George to the Canadian border. Stafford had represented this district, known as the North Country, for more than two decades.

The Prison-Industrial Complex - The Atlantic

Orphaned as a child, he had been adopted by a family in the upstate town of Dannemora. The main street of the town was dominated by the massive stone wall around Clinton, a notorious maximum-security prison. His adoptive father was a correctional officer at Clinton, and Stafford spent much of his childhood within the prison's walls. He developed great respect for correctional officers, and viewed their profession as an honorable one; he believed that prisons could give his district a real economic boost. Towns in the North Country soon competed with one another to attract new prisons. The Republican Party controlled the state senate, and prison construction became part of the political give and take with the Cuomo administration.

Of the twenty-nine correctional facilities authorized during the Cuomo years, twenty-eight were built in upstate districts represented by Republican senators. When most people think of New York, they picture Manhattan. In fact, two thirds of the state's counties are classified as rural. Perhaps no other region in the United States has so wide a gulf between its urban and rural populations. People in the North Country—which includes the Adirondack State Park, one of the nation's largest wilderness areas—tend to be politically conservative, taciturn, fond of the outdoors, and white.

New York City and the North Country have very little in common. One thing they do share, however, is a high rate of poverty. Twenty-five years ago the North Country had two prisons; now it has eighteen correctional facilities, and a nineteenth is under construction. They run the gamut from maximum-security prisons to drug-treatment centers and boot camps. One of the first new facilities to open was Ray Brook, a federal prison that occupies the former Olympic Village at Lake Placid. Other prisons have opened in abandoned factories and sanatoriums. For the most part North Country prisons are tucked away, hidden by trees, nearly invisible amid the vastness and beauty of the Adirondacks.

But they have brought profound change. Roughly one out of every twenty people in the North Country is a prisoner. The town of Dannemora now has more inmates than inhabitants. The traditional anchors of the North Country economy—mining, logging, dairy farms, and manufacturing—have been in decline for years. Tourism flourishes in most towns during the summer months. According to Ram Chugh, the director of the Rural Services Institute at the State University of New York at Potsdam , the North Country's per capita income has long been about 40 percent lower than the state's average per capita income.

The prison boom has provided a huge infusion of state money to an economically depressed region—one of the largest direct investments the state has ever made there. The economic impact of the prisons extends beyond the wages they pay and the local services they buy. Prisons are labor-intensive institutions, offering year-round employment. They are recession-proof, usually expanding in size during hard times. And they are nonpolluting—an important consideration in rural areas where other forms of development are often blocked by environmentalists.

Prisons have brought a stable, steady income to a region long accustomed to a highly seasonal, uncertain economy. Anne Mackinnon, who grew up in the North Country and wrote about its recent emergence as New York's "Siberia" for Adirondack Life magazine, says the prison boom has had an enormous effect on the local culture. Just about everyone now seems to have at least one relative who works in corrections.